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Objects in Rutherford's Life

ER à ASE - 22 déc 1908 - Première page m

The pen

Ernest Rutherford's way of writing was not common; as was the volume of his correspondence and the number of publications he published. This largely justifies, in my eyes, devoting a page to his "pen".

The writing of Ernest Rutherford

Ecriture

Image: Letter from Ernest Rutherford to Arthur Stewart Eve of December 22, 1908, in which he recounts his stay in Sweden to collect his Nobel Prize .

The first three lines are supposed to correspond to his address and the date:

17 Wilmslow road

Manchester

Dec 22 1908

He then writes:

My dear Eve,

My wife and I have

just returned from

Stockholm after having

had a great time (etc)

In addition to this, you need to know more about it.

Source: My Dear Eve - The Letters from Ernest Rutherford to Arthur Eve. Part I - 1907-08 , Montague Cohen, Page 7.

Imperial Typewriter Model A - 1911.jpg

Like his excessive use of tobacco, Ernest Rutherford's handwriting was quite characteristic. And as in the first case, I chose to reproduce here some testimonies of those who suffered from it.

To begin with, a little pick from his dear friend, Bertram Boltwood , included in the explanations given by Montague Cohen, the researcher who analyzed and put together some of Rutherford's correspondence:

Until about 1911, Rutherford wrote his letters by hand, and his handwriting was not easy to read, even for his contemporaries.
In 1910 Rutherford began to use an " amanuensis " (a person who writes from dictations or copies manuscripts), probably his wife . In a letter to Boltwood, dated September 27, 1910, Rutherford comments : " You will see how my writing has improved. My amanuensis is responsible . "

Boltwood replied (November 2, 1910): " The effect of your amanuensis on your writing is certainly wonderful. It adds a new pleasure to receiving your letters, that of being able to read them the first time. "

Obviously, Rutherford's amanuensis was not always available, as his letters to Eve of September 30, 1910 and October 20, 1910 are written in his own hand. However, he quickly acquired a typewriter and from June 14, 1911 all letters from Rutherford to Eve were typed except for a few handwritten insertions (where the typist was unsure of a word. ) or additions.

 

Source: My Dear Eve - The Letters from Ernest Rutherford to Arthur Eve. Part I - 1907-08, Montague Cohen, Page 7.

Image: Imperial Typewriter Model A - 1911

(I don't know if May typed her husband's letters on that machine, but as it concerns an English brand and the model from the year Ernest started typing his letters, it is still possible. .unless she continued to use the typewriter she already used in Montreal (for other types of documents (see below)).

​

Source: The Virtual Typewriter Museum

Rutherford appeared to possess no fountain pen. He signed letters and documents with an Old fashioned steel-nib pen, writing slowly and awkwardly. He carried, in a bottom waistcoat pocket, three or four stumps of pencils, never more than two inches in length and with very short and blunt points. When necessary he fumbled for one of these, which he held in a cramped manner between thumb and forefinger. With this also, he never wrote rapidly, but with deliberation. Sometimes the pencil was so blunt that the words were all but indecipherable, though generally his meaning was clear.

An example of these notes written with

a "pencil stump" appears below:

Testimony of Mark Oliphant whom Ernest Rutherford met more than twenty years later in Cambridge :

(translation for french speaking readers

​

Rutherford ne semblait pas posséder de stylo-plume. Il signait lettres et documents avec un porte-plume en acier à l'ancienne, écrivant lentement et maladroitement. Il transportait, dans une poche du bas de son gilet, trois ou quatre moignons de crayons, ne dépassant jamais deux pouces de longueur et avec des pointes très courtes et émoussées. Quand il en avait besoin, il cherchait l'un d'eux, qu'il tenait d'une façon inconfortable entre le pouce et l'index. Dans ces conditions-là également, il n'a jamais écrit rapidement, mais de manière réfléchie. Parfois, le crayon était si mal taillé que les mots étaient presque indéchiffrables, même si généralement ce qu'il voulait dire était clair.

​

Source :

Rutherford: recollections of the Cambridge days, Mark Oliphant, page 27

Rutherford lab notes on the structure of
Rutherford lab notes on the structure of

Theory of structure of atom

​

Suppose atom consists of + charge ne

at centre & - charge electrons

distributed throughout sphere of

radius r.

Ernest Rutherford's laboratory notebook presenting his ideas on the structure of the atom.

​

Source: Rutherford's nuclear world - AIP

La correspondance

Correspondance

Ernest Rutherford wrote a lot of mail. It was obviously the only means of communication at that time, at least if one did not wish to spend too much money. Because the other possibility was to send a very expensive telegram. Of course, in an emergency it might still be desirable to use cable transmission. And then to resort to subterfuge to limit costs.

So, on two occasions, May agreed to a code with Ernest's mother, Martha, so that when the time came, the latter would receive news of the utmost importance. Each time, the code consisted of a single word (you can't pay less).

The first time was at the beginning of 1901. And this is what I am telling in the extract opposite from my novel.

The other opportunity came in late 1906, when Ernest was negotiating with Schuster for the job in Manchester. The day the recruitment would be confirmed, May was to send a message saying simply: "Manchester". And it was done. And the Rutherford couple (and Eileen ) left Montreal the following spring.

May avait convenu avec la mère d’Ernest d’un code pour annoncer la naissance de son premier enfant. Pour éviter les délais liés au transport du courrier par bateau, il était en effet préférable de transmettre la grande nouvelle par un télégramme. Mais par mesure d’économie, il fut décidé que le message ne comporterait qu’un seul mot. Si un garçon venait au monde, ce serait « Tipoka », terme maori signifiant « feuille séchée », mais correspondant surtout au nom de la ferme des Rutherford à Pungarehu. Pour un bébé de l’autre sexe, la dépêche indiquerait « Waihini », qui voulait dire, tout simplement, « fille » — on ne pouvait pas faire plus logique.

Le trente et un mars 1901, Mrs Rutherford vit arriver à Tipoka l’employé des postes néo-zélandaises qui, près de six ans plus tôt, avait déjà porté la nouvelle de l’attribution à Ernest de la bourse d’études qui devait le conduire à Cambridge. La scène ne se déroula cependant pas dans un champ de pommes de terre cette fois-ci, mais dans le petit potager attenant à la maison : avec l’aide de ses deux aînées, Nell et Alice, Mrs Rutherford profitait de cette radieuse journée d’automne pour planter les légumes qui nourriraient la famille à la prochaine belle saison. Elle comprit immédiatement la raison pour laquelle le postier s’approchait d’elle. Restait à savoir le fin mot de l’histoire : fille ou garçon ? Elle déchira fébrilement le télégramme que le préposé venait de lui tendre et elle lut « Waihini ».

Ce ne fut pourtant pas le prénom qui fut donné à la nouvelle demoiselle Rutherford, pas plus qu’Ernest ne suivit les conseils de ses collègues — était-ce Barnes ou Owens qui avait eu l’idée le premier ? — de l’affubler du nom de « Ione », en hommage aux ions qu’il examinait avec ses chambres à brouillard et autres électroscopes. La petite fut baptisée Eileen.

As for the letters, as I said, it was rather abundance that reigned, both in the number of letters written and in the length of them. Of course, this could vary according to the recipients: sometimes Rutherford knew how to be concise, especially if it was distant acquaintances. But when he wrote to his friends, between exchanging ideas about their research and personal information, he easily managed to blacken four or five pages of his choppy handwriting.

Among the sources that I have used for my novel, several are collections of correspondence. These documents are listed below.

Rutherford and Boltwood - Letters on Rad
Rutherford by Arthur Stewart Eve - Cover

The first one gathers letters selected by Arthur Stewart Eve. These are letters sent by Ernest mainly to his fiancée (then his wife) May, to his mother, Martha, and, in a more limited number, to various correspondents, especially colleagues but also some members of his family.

The other volumes compile letters whose recipients are unique (and indicated in the titles): Bertram Boltwood , Arthur Stewart Eve , Marie Curie.

These sources were very useful for me to know certain daily details, certain dates, certain names, but also to understand Rutherford's style and state of mind. Of course, the tone was not always the same: laughing with Boltwood, serious with Eve, professional and yet friendly with Curie.

​

Finally, a Californian physicist and science historian, Lawrence Badash, who had previously commented on the letters in the "Rutherford & Boltwood" volume, compiled a catalog of all (known) correspondence of Ernest Rutherford. This makes it possible to specify the dates of sending or receipt of certain letters, or even to discover correspondents that I did not suspect.

RUTHERFORD Ernest - Radioactivity - 1904

The publications

RUTHERFORD Ernest - Radioactivity - 1904

I will not repeat here the complete inventory of all the publications signed by Ernest Rutherford. John Campbell, on his site Rutherford.org.nz, has done this before and done very well.

I will just highlight a few points.

Rutherford's publications are of three types:

​

  • papers in scientific journals

  • books: he published 4 of them, the very first in 1904 and the last, in collaboration with James Chadwick, in 1930.

  • popularization articles: for example, he wrote twice for the mainstream magazine of the Harper brothers in New York.

Publications

The principles that govern his writings are also of three types:

 

  • Clarity: like the experimental montages that he always wanted to be as simple as possible, he made sure to always write clearly. He said, moreover: "A theory that you cannot explain to a bartender is not a good theory".

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  • Credit: he wanted everyone involved in his discoveries to be mentioned, whether they were senior professors, junior researchers, students or technicians. This was how the name of Baumbach, a glassblower from Manchester appeared in a crucial article that his technical prowess had made possible (see the "Crafts" page, under " The Rutherford-Royds-Baumbach Experiment". Similarly, while in Montreal , he repeatedly insisted on mentioning the name of Harriet Brooks, who had actually played a fundamental role in several discoveries. And he held firm, despite the opposition of the young woman who was rather shy and seriously lacking in self-confidence and therefore refused to be put forward.

Harper's Monthly Magazine January 1904.j
  • Certainty: Rutherford wouldn't publish anything if he wasn't sure. He repeated his experiments dozens of times and when a colleague claimed to have found results very different from his, he conscientiously resumed the manipulations described by this other researcher, until he became certain that his vision of things was the only valid one. He wasted months in trying to recreate a substance that William Ramsay claimed to have obtained during certain radioactive decays. Rutherford eventually discovered that the substance in question was in fact a gas present in the air that had slipped into containers that Ramsay had simply improperly closed. A rookie mistake that one might have hoped not to see in a chemist much older than Ernest... but who was not endowed with the same caution and humility. Moreover, Marie Curie also faced an assertion that Ramsay had hurriedly launched. In this case, the substance he claimed to have produced did not come from the air - it was simply an impurity that certain types of glass released into the solutions they contained.

For the formatting of these various documents, it was May who took care of it: Ernest wrote by hand (with his "old-fashioned" penholder) and May re-typed everything (perhaps with an Underwood, in this case, a very popular American brand).

When she was away to visit relatives, Ernest found a replacement. In particular, during the winter of 1904-1905, it was Rebecca Morin, the wife of a professor of French at McGill University (herself an American). May and Eileen were in New Zealand and Ernest was staying with the Morins throughout this period. Rebecca Morin was quite happy with this activity and the small remuneration that Professor Rutherford awarded her.

Radioactive substances - Ernest Rutherfo
Radioactive substances - Ernest Rutherfo
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